Curious about Copts? A Wedding Feast for Copts and Islamists

BONUS LINK:  My entire (so far) grad school notes collection can be found here. 

Are you curious about the Copts that you have been hearing about in the news?  

I just finished a paper on Coptic Christianity and its contemporary relevance.  You can read/download it here and I have embedded it below.  I've also included its first and last paragraph in the case that google docs is acting up.

A Wedding Feast for Copts and Islamists

              The state of Egypt has an ancient history—it lays legitimate claim as one of the

cradles of civilization. Throughout its history its soil has been the battleground for the struggle

between political empires, as well as spiritual ones. The Gospel of Matthew relates that it was to

Egypt that Joseph, Mary, and their newborn Jesus escaped and lived for three years after Herod

ordered the execution of all male children under the age of two.1 Nearly 50 years later it was to

Alexandria that Saint Mark the Evangelist traveled to preach the gospel for ten years, birthing

the Coptic Christian faith. The term Copt is itself a derivation of the Greek word for an

inhabitant of Egypt—aiguptos—a word Arab conquerors would translate as qibt—“copt ” in

English.2 The relationship between Islam and Christianity is one that spans back 1500 years. It

is too soon to analyze what the newly elected Islamist government means for the Copts. It is

more fruitful to examine the Coptic history and its intersections with Islam. How has the Coptic

Christian identity evolved since the first century? What is its contemporary relevance? How has

the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in Egypt viewed the Coptic population? Is a common Egyptian

identity possible? In this essay I argue that the Coptic Christian identity is rooted in a historical

narrative of dhimmitude that continues to stymie their role in Egypt today. Creating a new

common psychocultural narrative will require the Coptic community to emerge from political

monasticism and the Islamists to broaden their conception of the dhimmah. I begin by

examining the history and etymology of the dhimmi identity at length. Next, I review the

influence of the Arab conquest upon the Coptic population and its faith. Then I analyze the

relationship of the Coptic population to political developments in Egypt’s modern history.

Finally, I offer strategies for Muslim-Christian convergence to effect a new, unifying Egyptian

identity.

Conclusion Paragraph: 
        As mentioned earlier, both groups share a common ethnicity that exists beyond a
structuralist definition connecting it to modernization; their ethnicity is a primordial one,
stemming from a sense of shared blood—a psychological glue that binds and distinguishes them
from other Arabs—one that has driven the two groups to make sacrifices for the entire nation
throughout Egypt’s history.57 The gaps then must be closed; divisive symbols such as
identification cards listing religion must be permanently abolished. Dramas such as religious
feasts and parades must be modified and celebrated together.58 Notably both groups must
embrace new approaches to their religious differences. One solution may be in the newly
established Christian Brotherhood. This political group seeks to replace the church as a
democratic mouthpiece for the Coptic population.59 As Morsi’s Coptic advisor Rafiq Habib has
pointed out, a Christian political party will likely have more in common with a conservative
Muslim bloc like the MB on most social issues than the secular parties do. Most Copts and
Islamists certainly espouse similar feelings of antipathy towards Israel and Western intrusion.
Steps such as the recent formation of a political party are important ones that bring the Coptic
community into the public discourse. For most of their history the Copts have allowed the
church to operate as their political interlocutor. Sometimes as a survival mechanism, Copts have
internalized their dhimmitude and too often espoused political monasticism; they have
withdrawn from public discourse and existed passively, depending on the church to represent
them. Emerging from this seclusion will require risks but with the world’s eyes on Egypt they
are well poised to permanently discard their “conquered” dhimmi status. The largest challenge
will be for the Islamists to widen their own dhimmah with God to cover all of their countrymen.
In doing so they may be able to embrace a new future reflective of the dhimmah of a wedding feast and Egypt may one day celebrate the marriage and birth of a new common identity for their country.

ENTIRE PAPER BELOW

Read about Turkey in Africa

These are the type of connections and relationships that are often hard to research so I appreciate when they are published.

Global Insider: Turkey-Africa Relations

By The Editors | 10 Jun 2011

With the turmoil in North Africa impacting Turkey's primary commercial ties with the continent, Turkish exports to sub-Saharan Africa have grown sharply this year. In an email interview, Thomas Wheeler, a longtime South African diplomat and researcher at the South African Institute for International Affairs, discussed Turkey-Africa relations.

WPR: What is the history of Turkey's trade and diplomatic relations with sub-Saharan Africa?

Thomas Wheeler: Turkey had few relations with sub-Saharan Africa until the 1990s. Admittedly, the Ottoman sultan appointed honorary consuls in South Africa in the 19th century, but during the Republican era from 1922, Ankara's emphasis was on consolidating the new Turkish state and building good relations with neighboring countries. That was followed more recently by Turkey's attempts to become a member of the European Union. The subsequent stalling of Turkey's EU accession bid, combined with a strengthened Turkish economy and a political leadership eager to look beyond ties with Europe and the U.S., led to a policy of outreach to Africa during the 2000s.

This effort involved opening new embassies, scheduling presidential and prime ministerial visits, establishing new airline routes, promoting trade and investment, assisting with peacekeeping, providing scholarships and using all the various tools for projecting soft power. Turkey is also an out-of-region partner in the African Development Bank, through which it can channel financial assistance and gain a positive profile in Africa.

WPR: What are the most promising areas for trade and political cooperation, and what are the major obstacles to Turkey's involvement in Africa?

Wheeler: For Turkey, as for other countries, Africa represents both a market and a source of resources. Turkey's small family businesses, the so-called Anatolian tigers, are prepared to invest in factories in Africa, with more than 50 Turkish companies already active in South Africa alone. Turkish manufactures -- including household goods, gold jewelry, clothing and linen, and food products such as dried fruits and nuts -- sell well in Africa on the basis of price and quality, allowing Turkish trade with Africa to grow from $5 billion in 2003 to an estimated $30 billion in 2010. In the Muslim countries, especially in West Africa, the religious link is also being exploited, through offers to train imams, for instance.

Among the wide range of products Turkey has imported from South Africa, in particular, "clean" coal has topped the list for at least the past 15 years. There are two Turkish-owned coal mines operating in the country. Second in terms of import value from South Africa is gold, and several other minerals are also high on the list of commodity imports.

In its political relations with Africa, Turkey actively seeks to exploit its identity as a country that straddles the divide between the developed and the developing world. The fact that Turkey does not have a history of being a colonial power in sub-Saharan Africa is also valuable to its outreach policy.

Among the obstacles to Turkey's African outreach policy is a mutual lack of knowledge, something that Ankara recognizes and is trying to overcome.

WPR: How does Turkey's potential involvement in Africa compare to efforts by other emerging powers, notably India and China, to play a larger role on the continent?

Wheeler: Although the Turkish economy has been growing rapidly since the early 2000s, Turkey is not in the league of China and India in terms of GDP, population size and area. Nevertheless, with regard to Africa, it is has the advantage of geographic proximity. Both governmental agencies and nongovernmental organizations -- such as trade councils, charitable organizations and think tanks -- strengthen the Turkish presence and increase its visibility. The nongovernmental factor is not one that China, for instance, can employ. Given its status as a middle power that has recently been a nonpermanent member of the U.N. Security Council (2009-2010), Turkey is making an impact in Africa that is probably out of proportion to its size as a stand-alone player.