BONUS LINK: My entire (so far) grad school notes collection can be found here.
Grad School Notes on:
“From a Theory of Relative Economic Deprivation (RED) Towards a Theory
of Relative Political Deprivation” by
Walker Connor (2001)
Relative Deprivation is the experience of believing that you
are denied something to which you are entitled.
In this reading Connor takes case with popular assertion
that economic inequality (or the perception on inequality) drives
ethno-national conflict. The point on
perception is important because whether or not an imbalance exists, if a group
believes one exists they can infuse this incendiary belief into any economic
data (rather than vice versa).
He points out that you have this inequality in every country
and in every region due to the wide disparity in development. He goes on to say, “defining ethno-national
conflict in terms of economic inequality is a bit like defining them in terms
of exygen: where you find the one, you can be reasonable certain of finding the
other” (115).
Normally the charges of inequality are based upon
intra-state situations because “economies are generally construed to be
state-wide enterprises.” But this does
not mean that the government itself is necessarily targeting specific
ethno-national groups for discrimination.
You have even greater disparities in the global economy that isn’t
controlled by a central government.
(116). There’s also evidence of
politically dominant ethnic groups that are less well-off than other groups in
their country.
Empirical Problems
with RED:
Quebec and Maine Illustration. Both states have comparable median family
incomes. Quebec is actually a little
better off. However, the Parti Quebecois
points to disparities with Ontario and states they would be better off alone. Despite a similar plight, Mainers don’t
advocate to leave the Union—they acknowledge geography as the culprit—not a
government conspiracy (117).
RED also does not account for conflict that stems from
economically advantage ethnic groups. Ex. Basques and Catalans resent poor Castilians.
RED would also mean that if you closed the gap, tensions should
lessen, but there is empirical evidence that this is not always the case (118).
Also many examples of groups pursuing nationalistic behavior
despite an awareness it will damage their economic standing (RED): Quebecois in
60’s and 70’s, resistance of Baltic socialist republics of Soviet investment
capital, overwhelming West German sentiment to unify with East Germany despite
assurances they would incur great economic hardship (119-20).
What Role does RED
play then?
There is better evidence to suggest that RED as a catalyst
(or exacerbator) for ethno-national action/tensions, rather than a necessary
precondition for those actions/tensions.
Other catalysts: Large influx of outsiders into an
ethnic homeland (influx of European Jews into Israel really set off the
conflict following WWII), destruction of symbolic artifcacts/buildings are two
examples. The point being that just
about anything could end up being a catalyst (121).
Connor’s
Solution? Relative Political Deprivation
(RPD)
Ethno-nationalist people living in their homeland resent
being ruled by non-members. “The right
of national self-determination” is a
phrase that has become commonplace.
This idea does not equal separatism, rather it means people
want to be given the choice to decide for themselves if they should
secede. Most often they choose not
to—instead, they just want some meaningful measure of autonomy (such has
been the case for Quebec).
Even among separatist-leaning groups, they still also
espouse affection for their state. The
state has many mechanism to build this good will—namely through education. (122-124).
Example: Switzerland is multi-ethnic democracy that is
decentralized through a confederal cantonal structure. Other European states have responded to
ethno-national tensions through similar political devolution.
Example: Ethiopia’s
1991 constitution federalized the state by ethnic groups in its regions and has
13 official religions.
Obstacles to
Alleviation:
Because autonomy has so many variations, its implementation
is problematic and requires periodic alteration/continuous negotiation. This whole process must derive its
legitimacy from recognition that the problem is a political NOT economic one
(124).
European Integration:
Example of EU integration that is supported by many
minorities since it lessens the power of a state to which they don’t hold as
much affection for and also increases their ability to associate with their
ethnic brethren that are often right across their state’s border (Alsatians and
Germans for example) (126).
Connor speaks at length about the process surrounding the
1992 Maastricht Treaty. His main points
are:
- A group’s sense of RPD is not
trumped just because of common economic institutions
- EU integration does not mean
that economic concerns trump political ones without qualification. Political integration has been elite-driven (128-129).
This is the great debate: will growing economic integration lead to
a recession of nationalism?
Communist Manifesto said yes but since it was written we have seen,
and continue to see, and ebb and flow of nationalism despite globalization (130).
