FAO Quotables

"But being right, even morally right, isn't everything. It is also important to be competent, to be consistent, and to be knowledgeable. It's important for your soldiers and diplomats to speak the language of the people you want to influence. It's important to understand the ethnic and tribal divisions of the place you hope to assist."
-Anne Applebaum

Showing posts with label rwanda. Show all posts
Showing posts with label rwanda. Show all posts

Saturday, September 7, 2019

Kruse's Keys: Read "Small Country" to See Ethnic Violence Destroy Childhood (Burundi)

One of the best books that I read this year.

I sped through it in three heady days, finishing the last third of the book in a marathon nighttime session tucked in bed next to my sleeping wife.

I couldn’t put the book down.

Reading Gael Faye’s “Small Country”, I was reminded of the writing of other writers such as Teju Cole, Dinaw Mengestu, Maaza Mengiste, Noviolet Bulawayo, and poets like Frank Chipasula, Atukwei Okai, and K'naan. Faye writes with a musician’s flair (and indeed he was a well known rapper/musician before becoming an author), penning lines like: “And when he laughed, happiness washed over the walls of Mamie’s small living room like a fresh lick of paint.”

“Small Country” is one of the first novels (i.e., fiction) about the Rwandan genocide and was translated into English in 2018 after winning the 2016 Prix Goncourt des Lycéens. In my effort to read a novel from every country in Africa I’ve categorized it under Burundi, however, because that is where the main characters live and the location through which the themes of exile and displacement are examined.

At the end of the book, Gabriel reflects that “I used to think I was exiled from my country. But, in retracing the steps of my past, I have understood that I was exiled from my childhood. Which seems so much crueler.” This summarizes well the crux of the story, Gabriel is Rwandan-French but spends his entire childhood in neighboring Burundi until the effects of the 1994 Rwanda genocide push him even further away to France. It’s there that he considers what exactly he’s lost and finally finds the courage to return and makes a heart-breaking discovery.

Serendipitously, in writing this review of “Small Country”, I discovered the music of the author and its terrific. In fact, he even made a companion video of sorts to the novel which you can see below. Also, they are finishing up a movie version of the book!

*One of my Reading Around the Continent books--the full list is here.
**See our 2019, 2018, 2017, 2016, 2015 and 2014 Reading Lists.





Key Takeaways:

On Genocide, War, and the Death of Childhood:
But for the time being, our country was like a barefoot zombie walking over sharp stones, its parched tongue hanging out. We had grown used to the idea of dying at any moment. Death was no longer something distant and abstract. It was the banal face of our everyday existence. Living with this kind of clarity laid waste to what was left of our childhood...I used to think I was exiled from my country. But, in retracing the steps of my past, I have understood that I was exiled from my childhood. Which seems so much crueler.

On Memory and Poetry: Poetry may not be news. But it is all that human beings retain from their journey on this earth.

On Nationalism: Not one of them fails to ask me the same nagging question, and it’s always on our first date: “So, where are you from?” A question as mundane as it is predictable. It feels like an obligatory rite of passage, before the relationship can develop any further. My skin—the color of caramel—must explain itself by offering up its pedigree. “I’m a human being.” My answer rankles with them. It’s not that I’m trying to be provocative. Any more than I want to appear pedantic or philosophical. But when I was just knee-high to a locust, I had already made up my mind never to define myself again.

On the inevitability of violence:
We were living on the axis of the Great Rift, at the precise spot where Africa fractures. The people of this region mirrored the land. Beneath the calm appearance, behind the facade of smiles and optimistic speeches, dark underground forces were continuously at work, fomenting violence and destruction that returned for successive periods, like bad winds: 1965, 1972, 1988. A glowering, uninvited ghost showing up at regular intervals to remind us that peace is merely a brief interlude between two wars. This poisonous lava, the thick flow of blood, was ready to rise to the surface once more.

On Classical Music and Coups:
Later on, I discovered that it was traditional to play classical music during a military coup. On November 28, 1966, for Michel Micombero’s coup, it was Schubert’s piano sonata No. 21; on November 9, 1976, for Jean-Baptiste Bagaza’s coup, it was Beethoven’s 7th symphony; and on September 3, 1987, for Pierre Buyoya’s coup, it was Chopin’s Bolero in C major. On this day, October 21, 1993, we were treated to Wagner’s Twilight of the Gods.

On the Impossibility of Neutrality: I couldn’t explain this cruel shift, this tangible sense of confusion. That is, until break-time one day, when two Burundian boys started fighting behind the main playground, hidden from the view of teachers and supervisors. The other Burundian students, wading into the hot waters of the dispute, promptly divided into two groups, each supporting one of the boys. “Filthy Hutus!” shouted one side. “Filthy Tutsis!” replied the other. That afternoon, for the first time in my life, I entered the dark reality of this country. I was a direct witness to Hutu–Tutsi antagonism, the line that could not be crossed, forcing everyone to belong to one camp or the other. This camp was something you were born with, like a child’s given name, something that followed you forever. Hutu or Tutsi. It had to be one or the other. Heads or tails. From that day on, I was like a blind person who had regained their sight, as I began to decipher people’s body language and glances, words left unspoken and ways of behaving that had previously passed me by. War always takes it upon itself, unsolicited, to find us an enemy. I wanted to remain neutral, but I couldn’t. I was born with this story. It ran in my blood. I belonged to it.

On Colonial Empathy:
“Africa, what a waste!” cursed Jacques, pouring himself another stiff glass of whiskey.

On Perseverance: “Tomorrow, the sun will rise and we shall try again,”

On the Music of War: While we were arguing, far off, up in the hills, we could hear the AMX-10 tanks firing. Over time, I had learned to recognize their notes in the musical stave of war that surrounded us. There were evenings when the noise of weapons blended into the birdsong or the call of the muezzin, and I found such beauty in this peculiar soundscape that I forgot myself entirely.

On War: Perhaps this was what war meant: understanding nothing.

On Identity: If you come from a country, if you are born there, as what might be called a native by birthright, well then, that country is in your eyes, your skin, your hands, together with the thick hair of its trees, the flesh of its soil, the bones of its stones, the blood of its rivers, its sky, its flavor, its men and women…

Key References (for further study):

LitHub Interview with Gael Faye
French article on the movie version coming out




Key Quotes:

“So…why are they at war?” “Because they don’t have the same nose.”

Location: 90

I am haunted by the idea of returning. Not a day goes by without the country calling to me.

Location: 94

Except that I no longer live anywhere. Living somewhere involves a physical merging with its landscape, with every crevice of its environment. There’s none of that here. I’m passing through. I rent. I crash. I squat. My town is a dormitory that serves its purpose. My apartment smells of fresh paint and new linoleum. My neighbors are perfect strangers, we avoid each other politely in the stairwell.

Location: 101

Not one of them fails to ask me the same nagging question, and it’s always on our first date: “So, where are you from?” A question as mundane as it is predictable. It feels like an obligatory rite of passage, before the relationship can develop any further. My skin—the color of caramel—must explain itself by offering up its pedigree. “I’m a human being.” My answer rankles with them. It’s not that I’m trying to be provocative. Any more than I want to appear pedantic or philosophical. But when I was just knee-high to a locust, I had already made up my mind never to define myself again.

Location: 131

Poetry may not be news. But it is all that human beings retain from their journey on this earth.

Location: 140

But Maman was head and shoulders above him—even her ankles were legendary!

Location: 158

In those happy times, if anyone asked me, “Life’s good?” I would always answer: “Life’s good!” Wham-bam. When you’re happy, you don’t think twice about it. It was only afterward that I began to consider the question.

Location: 168

Burundian restraint gave way to Zairean commotion.

Location: 185

we arrived in Bukavu—a sort of Garden of Eden on the banks of Lake Kivu and an art deco relic of a town that had once been Futurist.

Location: 220

“The last time I was in Belgium, the docs told me to give up the smokes or I was done for. There’s nothing I haven’t been through here: wars, looting, shortages, Bob Denard and Kolwezi, thirty years of bloody ‘Zairinization,’ and it’s the cigarettes that’ll get me in the end! Goddamn

Location: 238

At least with the Zaireans, they’re easy to understand: you just pay the bribe.

Location: 301

started singing “Sambolera.” Maman joined in. There was a beautiful quality to her voice, one that touched your soul, triggering as many goosebumps as the air-con. It made you want to pause the cassette and only listen to her.

Location: 629

And when he laughed, happiness washed over the walls of Mamie’s small living room like a fresh lick of paint.

Location: 702

And yet they were both talking about the same thing. Returning to their country. One belonged to history, the other was tasked with making history happen.

Location: 1,141

A warm downpour was about to come crashing down on us, so violently that we would run to collect the tables, chairs and plates before sheltering under the safety of our barza to watch the party dissolving in a cloudburst. Soon my birthday would be over, but I chose to savor that minute before the rain came down in earnest, that taste of suspended happiness as music joined our hearts and filled the space between us, celebrating life, this moment in time, the eternity of my eleven years, here, beneath the cathedral that was the rubber fig tree of my childhood, and deep down I knew that everything would turn out all right.

Location: 1,188

We were living on the axis of the Great Rift, at the precise spot where Africa fractures. The people of this region mirrored the land. Beneath the calm appearance, behind the facade of smiles and optimistic speeches, dark underground forces were continuously at work, fomenting violence and destruction that returned for successive periods, like bad winds: 1965, 1972, 1988. A glowering, uninvited ghost showing up at regular intervals to remind us that peace is merely a brief interlude between two wars. This poisonous lava, the thick flow of blood, was ready to rise to the surface once more. We didn’t know it yet, but the hour of the inferno had come, and the night was about to unleash its cackle of hyenas and wild dogs.

Location: 1,217

Later on, I discovered that it was traditional to play classical music during a military coup. On November 28, 1966, for Michel Micombero’s coup, it was Schubert’s piano sonata No. 21; on November 9, 1976, for Jean-Baptiste Bagaza’s coup, it was Beethoven’s 7th symphony; and on September 3, 1987, for Pierre Buyoya’s coup, it was Chopin’s Bolero in C major. On this day, October 21, 1993, we were treated to Wagner’s Twilight of the Gods.

Location: 1,240

They’re too much, those colonial settlers! Their pets’ lives matter more to them than human ones. Anyway, I’d better get going, Gaby. More news in the next update.”

Location: 1,261

For privileged children like us, who lived in the city center and in residential neighborhoods, war was just a word.

Location: 1,373

I couldn’t explain this cruel shift, this tangible sense of confusion. That is, until break-time one day, when two Burundian boys started fighting behind the main playground, hidden from the view of teachers and supervisors. The other Burundian students, wading into the hot waters of the dispute, promptly divided into two groups, each supporting one of the boys. “Filthy Hutus!” shouted one side. “Filthy Tutsis!” replied the other. That afternoon, for the first time in my life, I entered the dark reality of this country. I was a direct witness to Hutu–Tutsi antagonism, the line that could not be crossed, forcing everyone to belong to one camp or the other. This camp was something you were born with, like a child’s given name, something that followed you forever. Hutu or Tutsi. It had to be one or the other. Heads or tails. From that day on, I was like a blind person who had regained their sight, as I began to decipher people’s body language and glances, words left unspoken and ways of behaving that had previously passed me by. War always takes it upon itself, unsolicited, to find us an enemy. I wanted to remain neutral, but I couldn’t. I was born with this story. It ran in my blood. I belonged to it.

Location: 1,477

Christian gave me a mischievous look as he raised his eyebrows and shimmied his shoulders like an Ethiopian dancer.

Location: 1,628

For the second time in my life, I had overcome my miserable fear. One day I would leave behind that crippling burden.

Location: 1,704

From April to July 1994, at a distance and between four walls, next to a telephone and a radio, we lived through the genocide that was being perpetrated in Rwanda.

Location: 1,752

“Yeah, I’m from Zaire, but I’m a Zairean Tutsi.” “Get that, you learn something new every day!” “They call us the Banyamulenge.”

Location: 1,816

and, for some time now, men had been able to kill other men with absolute impunity, under the same midday sun as before.

Location: 1,864

“Africa, what a waste!” cursed Jacques, pouring himself another stiff glass of whiskey.

Location: 1,885

God makes us undergo these ordeals so we can prove to him that we don’t doubt him. It’s as if he’s telling us that great love relies on trust.

Location: 1,888

“Tomorrow, the sun will rise and we shall try again,”

Location: 1,924

While we were arguing, far off, up in the hills, we could hear the AMX-10 tanks firing. Over time, I had learned to recognize their notes in the musical stave of war that surrounded us. There were evenings when the noise of weapons blended into the birdsong or the call of the muezzin, and I found such beauty in this peculiar soundscape that I forgot myself entirely.

Location: 2,014

It’s taken me a long time to write to you. I’ve been very busy recently, trying to stay a child.

Location: 2,048

“Gaby,” she asked eventually, looking up at me, “why did Maman accuse us of having killed our family in Rwanda?” I had no answer to give my little sister. I had no explanation for the deaths of some and the hatred of others. Perhaps this was what war meant: understanding nothing.

Location: 2,052

But for the time being, our country was like a barefoot zombie walking over sharp stones, its parched tongue hanging out. We had grown used to the idea of dying at any moment. Death was no longer something distant and abstract. It was the banal face of our everyday existence. Living with this kind of clarity laid waste to what was left of our childhood.

Location: 2,203

Even after closing the heavy gates, I could hear her voice behind me, still lavishing me with never-ending wisdom: take care in the cold, look after your secrets, may you be rich in all that you read, in your encounters, in your loves, and never forget where you come from… When we leave somewhere, we take the time to say goodbye: to the people, the things, and the places that we’ve loved. I didn’t leave my country, I fled it. The door was wide open behind me as I walked away, without turning back. All I can remember is Papa’s small hand waving from the balcony of the airport at Bujumbura.

Location: 2,221

If you come from a country, if you are born there, as what might be called a native by birthright, well then, that country is in your eyes, your skin, your hands, together with the thick hair of its trees, the flesh of its soil, the bones of its stones, the blood of its rivers, its sky, its flavor, its men and women…

Location: 2,227

I used to think I was exiled from my country. But, in retracing the steps of my past, I have understood that I was exiled from my childhood. Which seems so much crueler.

Tuesday, July 7, 2015

What I Read Last Week: A Rwandan survivor finds her voice, RSVPs, Grammar, Tragedy at Sea and Salter Sets Sail

Now that my WIRLW is kind of a thing--I want to further delineate the trove of links and articles with the Best Thing I Read All Week (BTIRAW).  The WIRL column is useful for me because I read so many articles every week but previously had no repository (aside from the Evernote notebook I created online).  Finally, for me it's a good analytical exercise to condense what I read into a short sentence or two.

BTIRAW:
Everything is Yours, Everything is Not Yours
Powerful autobiographical #longread about Rwandan genocide flee-er turned wandering refugee turned Yale student turned young woman who found her voice.   Her story casts aside any easy categorizations of her struggle and journey.  I found myself checking the cursor on the right side of my IPAD screen to see how much of the article I had left--I didn't want it to end.  For someone who admits struggling with her English writing--she is superb.  Incidentally, this story is published on medium.com which in Comoros (where I am right now) you can't access without using a VPN.

Les Autres:

The Aspirational R.S.V.P.: Saying Yes When You Mean No
I've found this to be especially true in Madagascar--especially when you invite a counterpart and his/her spouse to an event--they will almost always reply yes for both people but then only one shows up.  Personally, I think the idea of an aspirational RSVP is juvenile and rubbish.

Michael Gove is instructing his civil servants on grammar
Hilarious.  All English majors dream of having a position from which we can dictate our very own 'elements of style'

This is Sometimes More Important Than Praying
A good reality check and warning against religion (versus love for God).

Why Books by Soldiers Matter So Much Right Now
A nice plug from Men's Journal.  I previously wrote about two of the books he mentions (Redeployment and Preparation for the Next Life) here, here, and here.

Incoming: Floating Bases Are an Old Idea Whose Time May Have Come Again
Stavridis--the writing machine plugs ideas for Afloat Staging Base and highlights opportunities for public-private partnership.

Unheeded Warnings THE NAVY IGNORED YEARS OF ALARMING REPORTS — AND TWO PILOTS PAID THE PRICE
A lengthy Navy Times investigation into the tragic mishap that occurred at my old squadron HS-6.  It highlights that facts that aviation squadrons can write HAZREPs till they are blue in the face but if SWOs aren't required to read them it is often all for nought.

James Salter, a ‘Writer’s Writer’ Short on Sales but Long on Acclaim, Dies at 90
One of my favorite writers that I only discovered this past year.  I've written about this author several times--despite some philosophical/moral differences I am sad that his reign within the realm of the written word has passed.
What we read in 2014
A Sport and a Pastime Kindle Notes and Highlights
All That Is Kindle Notes and Highlights
Light Years: Kindle Highlights and Notes
Last Night by James Salter: My Notes and Kindle Highlights
Burning the Days: My Notes and Kindle Highlights










Friday, June 12, 2015

What I Read Last Week: Pizza in Somalia, Stretching in Your Office, The Trust of the Uniform and Choked Out in Joburg

Op-Ed: The Evolution of Thanking Those in Uniform
The Supe at the Naval Academy pens a thoughtful piece on receiving thanks for one's service.  I love his suggested response: "Thank you for your trust."

Navy SEAL: Here’s how to stay fit when you have no time to workout

I like his suggestion for 15 minutes of mobility work you can do in the office without getting all sweaty.

What Russian Literature Tells Us About Vladimir Putin’s World

Stavridis continues to kill it with these pieces--it's so intimidating to be confronted with such a prolific writer and academic.

The best pizza in Mogadishu

McConnel is one of the top pens reporting in Africa--I make sure to read everything he writes.

Glamorous Crossing: How Pan Am Airways Dominated International Travel in the 1930s

A story with excellent research that tells the story of the hard fought battles for growth within the aviation industry.

Marikana massacre: the untold story of the strike leader who died for workers’ rights

A rather brutal story that never made it to the international press back in 2012.




Friday, April 4, 2014

11 Things You May Not Know About the Genocide in Rwanda

20 years ago this Sunday the genocide in Rwanda began.  Read more below to find out what you may not know and what you should know. 

Eleven Things You Should Know about the Genocide in Rwanda (and which I didn't know either until I wrote a paper about it):

1. In 100 days, Hutu extremists killed 800,000 men, women and children--507,000 of them Tutsis (77% of the registered Tutsi population).  That's about 11% of their population.  That would be the equivalent of 26 million people being killed in the US over a 3 month period.

2. The U.S. government (USG) acknowledged early on (on 28 April to be exact, when there were at least 100,00 already dead) that people were being slaughtered, but instructed its UN Ambassador to remain in "listening mode" and "not commit the USG to anything."

3. The best and most complete account of the genocide is the Alison Des Forges' (of HRW) Leave None to Tell the Story.

4. A shorter but equally excellent read is Samantha Powers' damning condemnation of the U.S. government's silence (i.e., inaction) in "Bystanders to Genocide" from the Atlantic Monthly.

5.The USG's belated humanitarian response (after the genocide was over) actual enabled many of the killers to escape the country through the refugee camps.

6.  Hutu hate radio broadcasts were used to incite and organize the killings--the USG had the capability to jam these broadcasts but deemed it too expensive.

7.  The NSA archive is a non-profit group run through George Washington University that archives thousands of previously classified documents (obtained through FOIA) that lend a primary source look into look at hundreds of events in our nation's history.

8.  Never again?  It could happen in Syria.

9.  What constitutes "justice" and reconciliation after the genocide is a lot different than you might imagine (See Gourevitch's top-notch New Yorker Article)

10. In 2001, there was a backlog of 100,000 perpetrators waiting to be tried--this is one reason Kagame instituted the gacaca "grass courts."

11.  President Clinton's March 1998 apology in Rwanda may have been technically accurate: "we in the United States and the world community did not do as much as we could have and should have done to try to limit what occurred," however, in reality the U.S. didn't just not do as much as it should have, instead official in the U.S. government willfully and aggressively pressured the international community to not only withdraw peace-keeeping forces but also prevented others from intervening.


Wednesday, April 2, 2014

20 years and 3 days ago, preparations for a slaughter were in motion

20 years and 3 days ago, preparations for a slaughter were in motion.  Machetes were being sharpened and distributed.  Hatred was being stoked on the radio stations.  Somewhere, one person was readying the missile that would take down a plane that would spark a genocidal killing spree.

Sunday April 6th this year will mark the 20th year anniversary of the genocide in Rwanda.

As Rwanda continues to rise, rebuild and reconcile a generation later--the lingering and lasting implications of the inaction by the international community (the US in particular) continues to affectMartin Luther King Jr.'s admonition that our foreign policy.  I am reminded of

"In the end,
we will remember
not the words of our enemies,
but the silence of our friends."

















Want to know more?  Read here:
http://fuuo.blogspot.com/2013/04/rwanda.genocide.2013.neveragain.kagame.11thingsyoushouldknowabouttherwandangenocide
http://fuuo.blogspot.com/2012/08/genocide-in-syria-early-warning-systems.html

Saturday, April 6, 2013

April 6th: 19 Years since the genocide in Rwanda and Eleven Things You Should Know About the Genocide in Rwanda

   April 6th: 19 Years since the genocide in Rwanda and

Eleven Things You Should Know About the Genocide in Rwanda


       A brutal and evil campaign started today 19 years ago.  Over the following 100 days, the Hutu government planned and sponsored the murder of nearly a million people: men and women, children and babies--most of them split open and hacked to death with machetes like this:


























It's worthwhile to pause today and recall this heartbreaking tragedy and perhaps discuss it with 
your family and kids (once they are old enough).  When my daughters are older, I plan on sitting down with them each year and watching one of the films below, or discussing one of articles/books that I've listed below.  It's important that we acknowledge that this genocide occurred, that we analyze why and how it occurred, and that we recognize the brave sacrifices of the men and women who DID DO something during the genocide.  Finally, despite the rhetoric of "never again", its important to keep at the forefront of our dialogue that IT IS possible for such a genocide to occur again if we (i.e., the international community on the macro level and you and I on the micro level) don't remain diligent, vigilant and proactive.

Martin Luther King Jr.'s quote here is an apt one:
"In the end,
we will remember
not the words of our enemies,
but the silence of our friends."


Eleven Things You Should Know about the Genocide in Rwanda (and which I didn't know either until I wrote a paper about it):


1. In 100 days, Hutu extremists killed 800,000 men, women and children--507,000 of them Tutsis (77% of the registered Tutsi population).  That's about 11% of their population.  That would be the equivalent of 26 million people being killed in the US over a 3 month period.

2. The U.S. government (USG) acknowledged early on (on 28 April to be exact, when there were at least 100,00 already dead) that people were being slaughtered, but instructed its UN Ambassador to remain in "listening mode" and "not commit the USG to anything."

3. The best and most complete account of the genocide is the Alison Des Forges' (of HRW) Leave None to Tell the Story.

4. A shorter but equally excellent read is Samantha Powers' damning condemnation of the U.S. government's silence (i.e., inaction) in "Bystanders to Genocide" from the Atlantic Monthly.

5.The USG's belated humanitarian response (after the genocide was over) actual enabled many of the killers to escape the country through the refugee camps.

6.  Hutu hate radio broadcasts were used to incite and organize the killings--the USG had the capability to jam these broadcasts but deemed it too expensive.

7.  The NSA archive is a non-profit group run through George Washington University that archives thousands of previously classified documents (obtained through FOIA) that lend a primary source look into look at hundreds of events in our nation's history.

8.  Never again?  It could happen in Syria.

9.  What constitutes "justice" and reconciliation after the genocide is a lot different than you might imagine (See Gourevitch's top-notch New Yorker Article)

10. In 2001, there was a backlog of 100,000 perpetrators waiting to be tried--this is one reason Kagame instituted the gacaca "grass courts."

11.  President Clinton's March 1998 apology in Rwanda may have been technically accurate: "we in the United States and the world community did not do as much as we could have and should have done to try to limit what occurred," however, in reality the U.S. didn't just not do as much as it should have, instead officials in the U.S. government willfully and aggressively pressured the international community to not only withdraw peace-keeeping forces but also prevented others from intervening.

FILMS:
Most people have seen or are familiar with the superb movie Hotel Rwanda.


Another movie on the genocide is the vivid and heartbreaking Sometimes in April.  I wrote a paper evaluating the Raoul Peck's masterpiece here.



A few others that are on my "to watch" list are:
Shake Hands with the Devil: The Journey of Romeo Dallaire (2005)


Shake Hands with the Devil (2007)



That Spring in 1994: What I Remember—Recollections of the Rwandan Genocide

That spring in 1994, I was 15 years old and a freshman at Bedford High School in Massachusetts.   Searching my memory of that period, I can't uncover even a faded polaroid recollection to give witness to the murder of almost a million men, women, boys, girls and babies. 

That spring

I remember working as a bagger at the grocery store on Hanscomb Air Force Base. 
I remember fleeing the base theatre with my friend CJ after we lit up cigars during a movie.
I remember the field where I would play soccer by my school.

What I can recall

I close my eyes and I can smell the dusty paper of the grocery bags.
I close my eyes and I can feel my heart racing as we were chased out of the theatre.
I close my eyes and I can see the long and overgrown green grass of the soccer field.

That same spring

Nearly a million people's last breath and smell was rotten and rife with
sweat, urine, and blood.
Murderers crushed and ripped apart nearly a million hearts.
Murderers smashed shut nearly a million sets of eyes. 

That same spring

Millions of people

knew.

And millions of people did

nothing.

Today
            Today
                        Today
                                    Today
                                                          and everyday

I trudge with the grief of my own ignorance
like an iron yoke
on the shoulders
of my soul.

Thursday, December 6, 2012

Thoughts on French's Thoughts on Rice or The Geography of Intervention

Thoughts on French's Thoughts on Rice or The Geography of Intervention

First of all, you should read French's recent Atlantic article on Susan Rice's history with the continent.  You would also be well-served to follow him on twitter.

Howard French's article is linked here:
What Susan Rice Has Meant for U.S. Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa

My comments:
This is a timely and well put summary of issues to consider concerning Susan Rice. Hopefully there's a sharp pro-staffer on one of the Congressional committees that can push the questions outlined here to the right Congressman.

Perhaps the greatest obstacle to "help [ing] Africa consolidate its recent gains and move forward into an era of greater prosperity and representative government" is that assumption that we can help "Africa" as a whole.

I doubt that French meant it in this way (no doubt more a product of word limit constraints) but the danger here is that some neophytes to the continent might take it THAT way.

I don't think the U.S. will ever have a policy towards 'africa' but instead must decide the strategic partners to work with on the continent (bilat) or the broader regional institutions. There is of course danger here in neglecting certain nations.

Then of course the US must determine how thick (i.e., overlapping or close to it) its lines of efforts will be (DOS, DOS and private capital)--I say this because it would be great for this to be a holistic effort but effecting that is likely too formidable an obstacle--so maybe if the lines of effort are 'thick' enough, the stovepipes can merge (a little at least).

I would be curious to hear from French how the US could/would/should intervene in the Congo crisis to "finally establish control over all of its territory and begin delivering services to its people for the first time in history." This would require a Marshall-esque economic input and an Eisenhower-esque infrastructure project for a nation 1/4 the size of the US with only about 1400 (!) miles of all weather paved roads (see second picture below). Not saying that it would not be worth it, just saying that (for once) the U.S. should consider what it's getting into so it can make good on its promises and follow through.

French's last sentiment: "The other requires treating African democracies as our real friends, matching our diplomacy for once with our rhetoric and values" is a nice one to which we should aspire, however, we should probably add a fair amount of qualifiers to what constitutes a democracy for our purposes.

An added note: When I first started studying the continent, my gut reaction to China's blind (*gasp) capitalism that placed money ahead of human rights was outrage. My outrage has since been tempered when I consider that while U.S human rights policies/requirements may "send a message" to dictators or other derelict authoritarians, it also "sends a message" to the long-suffering inhabitants of that state: we don't care about you, the common citizen--we care about your institutions (which you may only understand obliquely at the village level) and 'sending messages.'

On more thing: Hats off to French for pointing out Rice's malfeasance concerning the genocide in Rwanda--the administration's actions before, during and after were awful. The scheming and blocking in the UN alone sicken me to my stomach even today.

Want to read more about the geography of intervention?  See my post here about the U.S. response to the MASS RAPES carried out in the DRC in the summer of 2010.

A "road" in the DRC




















LINKS:
http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/12/what-susan-rice-has-meant-for-us-policy-in-sub-saharan-africa/265833/
http://basementgeographer.blogspot.com/2012/04/why-you-cant-drive-across-democratic.html

Tuesday, May 29, 2012

A Poem: How Does One Measure Sadness?

Updated 30 MAY 2012
I wrote this poem today (it's a work in progress, with more verses to come), inspired by someone with whom I was in a discussion on Twitter (@FAOFUUO) who said: "There has been worse things that happened to other humans than the Holocaust. Just one sad event in human history not the worst."  Now this statement is recounted here without much context, but the point is not about that person or the Holocaust itself, but instead a deeper philosophical, spiritual and perhaps theological pondering.


My first reaction was one of concurrence with the statement, but as the day wore on his statement sunk into me and agitated inside up me like gravel on my skin and I ended up rejecting it--maybe the Holocaust was the worst--maybe it wasn't.  For me it came down to an unanswerable question that would only have an answer that would be irrelevant and certainly irreverent.
         
How Does One Measure Sadness?

Does one hold a measuring cup to
Capture the accumulated tears
Of an atrocity’s victims?

Does one hoist the tears of
Gassed Holocaust Jews and
Does one add to it
the rubbered scars of the survivors?
Does one scrape and shake out the
Ink from tattooed serial numbers into
The cup?

Does one appraise the tears of
Raped, murdered and mutilated
Tutsis and Hutus?
Does one weigh
The bones of school children slaughtered?
Does one record the nightmares recounted
In gacaca courts’
Grass fields?

Does one quantify the tears
Vaporized in Hiroshima and Nagasaki?
Does one tally the
Seared and blackened
deadened flesh?
Does one register
The slow demise of life
from radiation sickness?


Does one place the hearts
buried at Wounded Knee
upon the scales of Dike?
Does one mark the expanse
of the theft of an
entire continent?
Does one count
sorrows’ burden of
desolate and derelict reservations?

How does one measure sadness?
Does one pile up

the tears                     the bodies            the flesh            the nightmares
the ink                        the bones            the corpses            the screams

to compare and judge their loss?

How does one assess the weight of a scream?

How does one compute the last gasp of a dying child?

How can I ever 



grasp 

your loss?




Monday, March 12, 2012

Sometimes in April Review (footnotes incorporated)

BONUS LINK:  My entire (so far) grad school notes collection can be found here. 

I wrote an earlier footnoted version of this essay here.  In this version I incorporated the footnotes and made a few minor changes.


Sometimes in April: The Guilt of the Silent

            In 2004’s Sometimes in April, director Raoul Peck creates a graphic and accurate account of the genocide that began after Hutu extremists and members of the Presidential Guard shot down a plane carrying Rwandan President Habyarimana and Burundian President Ntaryimira on 6 April 1994.  This event ignited a killing spree that spread from Kigali throughout the country, claiming the lives of over 800,000 people—507,000 of them Tutsis (77% of registered Tutsi population), in the span of 100 days.  While the film’s examination of these 100 days reflect years of careful research by the director, Peck neglects several key elements whose inclusion would strengthen his story’s purpose.  From the start, the movie falls short in offering deeper context to the relationship between the Hutus and Tutsis throughout Rwanda’s history.  While the film captures the inaction of the international community throughout the genocide well, the director’s decision to ignore the negligence and lethargy of specific individuals and administrations is a disservice to all those killed.  Lastly, the film fails to address the significance of current Rwandan President Paul Kagame’s decision to initiate countrywide gacaca “grass courts” in 2001 in the midst of continuing deliberations by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). 
            There is little to criticize, however, in the Peck’s portrayal of the events occurring in Rwanda during the genocide.  The movie’s action hinges on the relationship between fictional characters Augustin, a moderate Hutu captain in the Rwandan military (married to Jeanne, a Tutsi), and his brother Honoré, a popular “Hutu Power” radio DJ for Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM).  During the genocide, the international community protests RTLM as “hate” radio; its DJs regularly list the names and addresses of Tutsis and moderate Hutus so they can be targeted and killed.  As violence erupts, Augustin fears for his life and that of his family.  After much pleading, he convinces his brother to take his family to the Hotel Mille Collines where they will be safe, deciding that his brother’s reputation gives them the best chance to make it through the deadly roadblocks in the capital city Kigali.  After successfully negotiating a few roadblocks run by civilian militia, Honoré comes to one run by the military that he is unable to pass or bribe his way through.  Helpless to intervene, he watches in anguish as Rwandan soldiers murder his brother’s family.  Honoré sneaks back to the pit under the cover of night—miraculously finds Jeanne alive, and carries her to a local church.  Jeanne survives and is later taken by Rwandan soldiers and gang-raped repeatedly.  In a fitting piece of justice (one based on similar actual events), she grabs a soldier’s grenade and kills herself and a group of them after a brutal rape session, to include a complicit priest (also based on actual events). This narrative draws to a close as the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), led by General Paul Kagame, defeats the Rwanda military and militias, restores order and brings the genocide to an end.  The other story told by the film, in parallel, focuses on Honoré’s trial at the ICTR ten years later, and the two brothers’ reconciliation.  The director uses their rapprochement to illustrate the complex nature of Rwanda’s post-genocide growth and progress toward normalcy. 
            The film itself begins by tracing the onset of ethnic conflict in Rwanda from the post-World War II handover of colonial control from Germany to Belgium, noting that for centuries Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa “shared the same culture, language and religion.”  While it is true that they all shared a common language, Kinyarwanda, whether all three are part of the same ethnic group is a matter widely debated by scholars, as Alison Des Forges notes in her seminal work Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda. Furthermore, this opening statement paints too rosy a picture, as it fails to acknowledge the Tutsi’s marked centuries-long subjugation of the Hutus.  While these details do not excuse the genocide, including them would offer insight into the psyche of the Hutus and the way in which it was manipulated, ultimately leading to decades of horrific violence.  In Africa Since Independence, historian Paul Nugent remarks that the disagreement among scholars centers on the argument that a better description of the Hutus and Tutsis is one of different ethnic groups living in the same society as part of a feudal or caste system. Regardless of the debate, what is clear is that they lived in the same region among each other for more than a thousand years.  In the book Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, author Wayne Madsen relates that as different groups (belonging to different families and following different leaders) settled into the area, the cattle-herding pastoralists (the Tutsi people) consolidated power and militarily established a rule (under mwamis, or kings) over the region, creating an elite class that would evolve over the centuries.  Des Forges points out that not every cattle-herder was part of the ruling class, however, and some farmers (Hutus) also rose to prominence (especially those skilled in battle).  In general, a Hutu could become a Tutsi if he bought enough cattle to elevate his social position.  Although even if a Tutsi lost all of his cattle, he would not then become a Hutu.  So until the 1800’s, Des Forges notes that the terms Hutu and Tutsi retained a degree of fluidity, and people were more apt to define themselves by a specific region or lineage than by the term Hutu or Tutsi.  It was at the end of the 19th century, as society in Rwanda became more developed and complex, that a degree of rigidity emerged in how the ruling class defined itself.  Des Forges observes that the Tutsi ruling class came to define itself by power and wealth (typically measured by the number of cattle owned). The masses and peasants did not own cattle and were thus defined as subjects, or Hutus.  It is worthwhile to note, that while historians typically recount the relationship between ruler and ruled with a degree of ambivalence, conquest and violence was an essential part of it.  Madsen notes that in the next century for instance, Hutus would call for a ban on the kalinga, the royal Tutsi drum decorated with the testicles of defeated Hutu princes.
            It is then unfortunate that this consolidation and modernization by the ruling class coincided with European conquest. Madsen shows that in an effort to maintain control and maximize economic benefit, the Belgians torqued the system already in place, choosing to conduct official communication only with the ruling class, this belief stemming from their own warped ideas about racial superiority.  This interaction carried over to the religious side as well until the 1930’s when Flemish priests replaced Belgian Catholic ones.  These typically poor Flemish priests more closely related to the Hutus economically.   So while educational opportunities came, they were the second tier ones available through the Catholic Church.  In contrast Madsen notes, Tutsis received the superior French education available through the Belgian government.  It is at this point that the film describes well the racial classification system put in place by Belgium, one that included identity cards that listed the bearer as “Hutu” or “Tutsi.”  In removing any chance for upward mobility among those ruled (Hutus), the Belgians fostered a growing resentment that would fester for several decades.
            This bitterness manifested itself in 1959, when Belgium rule ended, and power was turned over to majority rule.  On 28 January 1961, the majority (Hutus) spoke and deposed Tutsi King Kigeli V, replacing him with Hutu president Grégoire Kayibanda.  Over the next several decades, hundreds of thousands of Tutsi would flee the country; Nugent states that by 1994 an estimated 400-700 thousand Rwandan Tutsis lived outside Rwanda.  It is in this long history that one finds the fuel for the fire that became the genocide. 
            And It is in his description of the international response to this fire that Peck falls short.  The film primarily focuses on the international responses through the actions of Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Prudence Bushnell, and through her efforts to influence the United States to act to intervene.  True to the historical record, she is roundly rebuffed by the administration above her when she tries to motivate action.   The film never names those squelching her effort, however, nor does it delve into the specific details of President Clinton’s blind eye.  These details are important because they offer insight into the U.S. decision-making process and the efficacy of the United Nations.   A day after the president’s plane is shot down, the film shows Bushnell referring to a 9-week-old CIA report that warned of the potential for widespread violence.  Bushnell is reprimanded by an older white gentlemen (one assumes this to be Secretary of State Warren Christopher) “not to bring up the CIA report again.”  The pacing of the film’s cuts to the inaction in Washington exacerbates the lack of detail.  In offering only infrequent cuts, Peck fails to tell the viewer the scene’s place in the genocide’s timeline.  Thus when the film shows an internal USG debate via teleconference regarding the possibility of jamming the radios (a measure that the DoD deemed “too expensive and illegal”), the viewer doesn’t know that this debate occurred, and is documented in a declassified DoD memo, on or about 5 May, nearly a month after the killings (roughly 200,000 dead by then) began.  Other than a few news clips of State Department officials playing semantics with the term genocide on Day 65 of the crisis (620,000 killed), and a final shot of a nameless White House official thanking Bushnell for her team’s work on the U.S. belated humanitarian response (which actually aided the escape of many of the murderers), no other evidence of America’s action is investigated.  
            This omission is unfortunate because there are hundreds of previously classified documents (all available at the time of the filming) that make it clear that the U.S. was aware of the slaughter and murder of civilians at the highest levels, and not only did nothing, but in some cases made efforts to ensure others did nothing as well.  As journalist Samantha Powers unveiled in her 2001 article “Bystanders to Genocide,” partly in response to a request from the Belgian government for “cover’ in their withdrawal, Christopher sent a cable on 15 April (64,000 now dead) to the U.S. Mission to the United Nations.  Powers reveals that In it he stated the U.S. position that the United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR) must be withdrawn, an imperative that would be echoed during a Security Council meeting at which the Rwandan ambassador was present and able to communicate the information back to the genocide’s perpetrators.  The Clinton administration, through National Security Advisor Anthony Lake, continued to receive intelligence reports on the killing to include a 26 April one stating that at least 100,000 had been killed.  Perhaps most damning, however, is a 21 April letter from Rwandan human rights activist Monique Mujawamariya to President Clinton; in the letter she writes that is genocide is occurring and that a UNAMIR drawdown would have a dire effect.  Clinton had met Mujawamariya the previous year and when she went missing in Rwanda in early April, Powers states that finding her became a central task for the president’s staff.  After she managed to escape Rwanda and was found, however, her pleas—and her letter, went ignored by the White House.  At the United Nations, the U.S. continued to stymie efforts to intervene.  In a 28 April memo to Madeline Albright from Deputy Political councilor to the UN John Boardman, he cautions her to remain “mostly in listening mode… not commit [the] USG to anything.”  Early wording in the same memo makes it clear that the U.S. was aware of “atrocities” being committed in Rwanda.  The ambivalence and impotence of the White House is best shown in Jared Cohen’s observation in One Hundred Days of Silence: American and the Rwanda Genocide: Rwandan assets in the U.S. were not frozen, and diplomatic relations with the genocidal government were not cut off until 15 July, 11 days after the genocide’s end.  During the films final seconds, the words, “Of those who watched the genocide unfold and did nothing to stop it, no one has been charged” appear on the screen. By using these documents, and countless others available, Peck could have made clear exactly who those who watched the genocide unfold were.
            Finally, the film shows both the ICTR, as well as the gacaca courts taking place in the countryside villages where the genocide occurred. Philip Gourevitch points out in his article, “The Life After: A Reporter at Large,” that the gacaca courts were instituted to address the backlog of 110,000 alleged genocide perpetrators in 2001.  Widely criticized by human rights activists, the informal courts (led by ‘judges’ with only a modicum of legal training) were held in the villages where the crimes occurred, and allowed victims to confront their attackers directly.  Peck fails to show these controversies, however, nor does he counter Gourevitch’s claim that in some cases the criminal’s confession itself was his only punishment (in many cases it was a combination of confession and time served).  While the competing ideas of retribution and justice in post-genocide Rwanda may have been too large a project to address in an already long (2 hour and 15 minutes) film, the director could have made clear Gourevitch’s point that the gacaca courts were a deliberate effort by Tutsi President Kagame to help rebuild a sense of normalcy and an ability for Rwanda to move forward.  In one of the most densely populated countries in Africa, it was clear that Hutus and Tutsi would have to live amongst each other as their country recovered. 
            Given an event as large and complex as the genocide in Rwanda, Peck does an admirable job in addressing the ways in which the extremist elements of the Hutu military and political militias took advantage of the Tutsis’ past systemic subjugation of Hutus.  The pervasive power of this propaganda is well illustrated in the character of hate radio DJ Honoré.   As Peck superbly captures the graphic and explicit imagery of genocide, he is in his element, creating scenes that cannot be ignored, nor ever forgotten by the viewer.  Thus it is all the more unfortunate that the film’s beginning words by Martin Luther King Jr., “In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends,” are not fully honored by naming those silent offenders in the United States. Perhaps by holding these mute transgressors accountable, future atrocities can be prevented.   

Note:  For the sake of simplicity, and due to a wide range of dissonant sources, all facts and figures came from the PBS “Frontline: Ghosts of Rwanda, Timeline” and Alison Liebhafsky Des Forges’ definitive work, Leave None to Tell the Story: Genocide in Rwanda.